Beyond Economics and, occasionally, Literature, the annual awarding of Nobel prizes usually passes by me without notice. When it was announced that one of China's most prominent dissidents, Liu Xiaobo, was this year's recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize, I was invariably compelled to pay attention.
It's strange, but I am, on the whole, quite reticent to comment on the rather troubling relationship the current Chinese regime has regarding human rights; that I am reticent about a subject that ought to spark immediate outrage makes me feel as if I am complicit in supporting a government whose various abuses need no elaboration (Amnesty International has a very thorough compilation of them). At its core, this is a very personal issue for me -- when the vast majority of my relations live in China and the vicissitudes of historical fortune have affected all of them, when China is a significant constituent component of the odd construction that I know of as "home," it can't not be personal, as much as I know that this skews my perspective.
Before I had been exposed to the thorny complexities of historical legacy and contemporary politics, my upbringing in the West, flushed as it was with the post-Cold War triumphalism of the 1990s, assimilated in me the vague idea that Communism (and communism too, for that matter, but that point is hardly germane) was a bad thing and that people who lived under Communism were not free. My visits to China during my childhood and early adolescence served to convince me that, while such statements might be true in the abstract, they did not seem to hold when it came to everyday life in China. I did not see any evidence of any of my relatives being un-free. They were able to travel, work, and go about their business without evident interference or oppression. Their lives did not seem so different from my American life, at least in this regard. If Big Brother kept an eye on Chinese society, he was so imperceptible as to be invisible or otherwise indifferent to the course of individual lives.
I still maintain that, for the typical 老百姓 (that would be the Chinese equivalent of "average Joe," or, if you prefer, "Joe Six-Pack"), life in the PRC has, on the whole, never been better. As an institution no less than the World Bank notes, China's record of poverty reduction over the last three decades has been par excellence, and I see the statistics reflected not merely in my relatives' accumulation of material possession (apartment, cars, etc.) but also -- and far more importantly -- in the absence of overall deprivation that characterised everyday life in the not-so-distant past. My family history, like so many others, is littered with tales of such hardship, and it is truly a miracle, to think that, say, a grandmother who has lived through the Second World War, the Great Leap Forward, and the Cultural Revolution can now take an evening stroll through her quiet neighbourhood with neither fear nor hunger in her thoughts. This is a kind of freedom too.
The Chinese people, if it is fair of me to generalise across a country of 1.3 billion, exist in an unspoken bargain with their government: the latter gives them comfortable livelihoods free of the witch hunt-esque atmosphere that plagued an earlier time, and, in turn, the people are encouraged to turn inward, to get rich, and to shun the explicitly political altogether. Is this a fair compromise? Many seem to think so. The twentysomethings that would have spearheaded dissident movements in the late 1980s have now been reduced to fretting about far more mundane matters like finding a job after university -- not unlike their Western counterparts, when I think about it (thus, the privileges of progress!). Yet this arrangement has a decidedly Faustian edge. With the apparent majority of Chinese citizens generally leading lives without incident, the plight of those who do not, like Liu Xiaobo, becomes increasingly anomalous, prominent, and urgent. China is endowed with economic prosperity but haunted by a civic poverty that threatens to render progress hollow, almost purposeless.
I was going through my Google Reader earlier today when I stumbled upon a statement that Liu Xiaobao made at his trial in December 2009, where he was convicted of "inciting subversion of state power." Entitled "I have no enemies: my final statement," it is one of the most poignant pieces I have read in a very long time (the translation reads surprisingly fluently, and the original Chinese can be found here). I encourage everyone to read it in its entirety -- in either or both of the languages -- and, if you cannot spare the time to do that, at least spare a moment for this excerpt:
But I still want to tell the regime that deprives me of my freedom, I stand by the belief I expressed twenty years ago in my "June Second hunger strike declaration" -- I have no enemies, and no hatred. None of the police who monitored, arrested and interrogated me, the prosecutors who prosecuted me, or the judges who sentence me, are my enemies. While I’m unable to accept your surveillance, arrest, prosecution or sentencing, I respect your professions and personalities. This includes Zhang Rongge and Pan Xueqing who act for the prosecution at present: I was aware of your respect and sincerity in your interrogation of me on 3 December.
For hatred is corrosive of a person's wisdom and conscience; the mentality of enmity can poison a nation's spirit, instigate brutal life and death struggles, destroy a society's tolerance and humanity, and block a nation's progress to freedom and democracy. I hope therefore to be able to transcend my personal vicissitudes in understanding the development of the state and changes in society, to counter the hostility of the regime with the best of intentions, and defuse hate with love.
When I think of the U.S. lambasting China for its lack of respect for human rights, my instinct is to become a little defensive. This is usually because, when the U.S. is lambasting China for its lack of human rights, the people doing the lambasting always seem to be politicians in the middle of some full-throated jingoistic diatribe. In our collective preaching, we Americans, via our elected officials, turn human rights into a policy issue, a trump card to be deployed in the realm of international security and economic affairs (see: Iraq, war in). The White House has already begun to use the Nobel Peace Prize as a means of placing pressure on China to accelerate political reform, and many other officials in the West have done the same, while China has reacted with customary prickliness.
This kind of debate, and the language that accompanies it, has never sat well with me, but I could never quite pinpoint the reason for this until I found it in the magnanimity and courage of Liu Xiaobo. There is no state, no nation, and no people that possesses a monopoly on liberty. Freedom can only be freedom when it is divorced from politics. The politicisation of freedom is ultimately the debasement of freedom, reducing it from what it aspires to be. Freedom is not about the United States or China or Communism but the infinitely varied fabric of lives lived in tandem. I do not know how the Chinese people will secure the freedom of which Liu Xiaobo so eloquently speaks, but I cannot imagine that such a change, if and when it arrives, cannot be the result of external pressure but, rather, the self-actualisation of steadfast millions. And it would be quite a sight to behold, I think.